BIBB REPORT 5/2014

 

Chances of progressing to dual vocational education and training and training success of young migrants

Ursula Beicht | Günter Walden

Results of the 2011 BIBB Transitional Study

It has long since been known that young migrants in Germany experience particular difficulties in progressing along the route from school to vocational education and training. In overall terms, their chances of obtaining a training place within the dual system of vocational education and training are significantly worse than those of young people not from a migrant background. The present report undertakes a differentiated comparison of the transition to dual VET by young people with and without a migrant background on the basis of the 2011 BIBB Transitional Study. It also addresses the question of the nature of young migrants’ chances of success if they have managed to make the progression to dual vocational education and training. Is it possible to identify further disadvantages for this group, or are they just as successful as or perhaps even more successful in and after training than young people not from a migrant background?

Introduction: Status of research on the training opportunities of young people from a migrant background

7The training opportunities of young people from a migrant background play an important role in educational policy debate and have frequently been made the object of academic research investigations (for a summary cf. BEICHT 2014). Differences in opportunity between young people from and not from a migrant background are addressed, and attempts are made to identify the reasons and causes of these differences. The main focus is on the following issues. Do young people from a migrant background have similarly high educational aspirations or a similar interest in vocational education and training as their counterparts not from a migrant background? How good are the chances of making a successful transition from school to training for those migrants who actually strive to go down this route, and which factors influence opportunities for progression? What is the subsequent history of those young people from a migrant background who manage to make the progression? What chances of success do they then have?

With regard to a fundamental interest in dual vocational education and training, existing investigations conducted on a quantitative and empirical basis arrive at differing results depending on whether the focus of consideration is on young people with or without a higher education entrance qualification. Whereas young people from a migrant background who are not in possession of a higher education entrance qualification are less likely to be interested in dual VET than those not from a migrant background, the interest in dual vocational education and training on the part of migrants who do hold such a qualification is even more marked (BEICHT / WALDEN 2014). Existing findings on the chances of making the transition to dual VET suggest that a differentiation needs to be drawn between young people with and without a higher education entrance qualification (BEICHT / WALDEN 2014). Migrants not in possession of a higher education entrance qualification are in all cases shown to have worse opportunities of transition to dual VET (BEICHT / WALDEN 2014). The first thing that is revealed if an attempt is made to identify the reasons for the differences in chances between young people from and not from a migrant background is that the two groups significantly differ from each other in respect of characteristics that are important to successful transition. On average, migrants have lower school, leaving qualifications and are also more likely to originate from families from lower social classes (BEICHT / GRANATO 2010; BEICHT / ULRICH 2008; BEICHT / WALDEN 2014; HUNKLER 2010). Nevertheless, an autonomous influence from the migrant background remains in investigations that have taken these differences into consideration (e.g. BEICHT / ULRICH 2008; BEICHT / WALDEN 2014). This also means that, even if other conditions are equal, the chances for migrants to progress to dual training are lower than for young people not from a migrant background.

Theoretical attempts to explain the worse level of progression to vocational training by migrants are embedded in the debate that surrounds the educational participation of the children of migrants in overall terms (cf. the summary provided by BECKER / REIMER 2010, BECKER 2011a). It is clear that children of migrants are generally at a disadvantage in the German educational and employment system (BECKER 2011b: 12). HUNKLER (2010: 219 ff.) states the following possible factors for the different chances of young people from and not from a migrant background in the progression to vocational training: differences with regard to human capital (knowledge and skills of persons); resources specific to the host country (e.g. knowledge of language); social origin; training preferences and structural influences such as the general conditions on the training market. The fact that statistical analyses, in which it was possible to include a large number of these influencing factors, continued to show a demonstrable impact from migrant background (e.g. BEICHT / WALDEN 2014), means that discrimination of migrants by companies is also a possibility (HUNKLER 2010: 224). The theoretical approach of statistical discrimination traditionally plays a major role in this regard, something which goes back to the signalling model of SPENCE (1973) and the labour queue theory of THUROW (1979). Because they do not have complete information, employers are guided by the productivity mean values of groups and sort applicants with regard to their supposed productivity (e.g. effectiveness in the case of training). Young people from a migrant background could therefore have worse chances of progressing to training because the group as such has lower school leaving qualifications on average or because less favourable performance requirements are ascribed to migrants for other reasons. This may also include aspects which are completely unrelated to performance indicators within the strict meaning of the term. The organisation sociology approach of IMDORF (2005: 133 ff.) emphasises softer aspects which go beyond a narrow definition of productivity. The criteria adopted by human resources managers could, for example, include whether they consider an applicant to be suitable for the staff or customers of a company.

Previous investigations into the extent to which young people who have succeeded in making the transition to dual vocational education and training actually complete such training arrive at the result that a migrant background does not have a substantive effect on training success (BEICHT / GRANATO / ULRICH 2011). Existing differences between young people from and not from a migrant background have been explained in terms of various levels of prior school learning, by different occupational structures and by the general conditions governing the training.

The present report aims to highlight the differences which currently exist with regard to access to dual training between young people from and not from a migrant background. It also addresses questions in respect of what takes place following progression to dual training. Compared to young people not from a migrant background, are young people from a migrant background who have accessed the route into training just as likely to or even more likely to complete training successfully, or do less favourable initial or general conditions means that they are less likely to achieve a qualification? If they complete dual training, are their examination marks just as good, better or worse? Are young migrants just as likely, more likely or less likely to be given permanent employment by the company providing training? Are they just as likely to make a rapid progression to qualified employment, or is this transitional process also more difficult? The database for the analytical results presented below is the 2011 BIBB Transitional Study (see information box for methodological details).

Methodology of the 2011 BIBB Transitional Study

The 2011 BIBB Transitional Study constituted a retrospective longitudinal investigation that recorded in detail the whole of the educational and occupational biographies of the birth cohorts of 1987-1992 resident in Germany (Eberhard et al. 2013). BIBB conducted its first such study in 2006 (2006 BIBB Transitional Study, cf. BEICHT / FRIEDRICH / ULRICH 2008). The general conditions governing dual vocational education and training had altered significantly since this time. The main changes were a shift in the training market from a supply-driven to a demand-driven market, and new institutional support systems had also been created (e.g. career entry support). The objective of the new Transitional Study was to identify the nature of transitional processes from school to training and work in the wake of these changes (EBERHARD et al. 2013).

The questionnaires from the previous study in 2006 were largely adopted and supplemented by the addition of current questions. The survey took place between July and September 2011 via computer-aided telephone interviews. Whereas the previous study used only landlines to acquire and interview the survey sample, the 2011 Transitional Study was conducted entirely via mobile communications. This was necessary because some of the target group (persons aged between 18 and 24) can now no longer be contacted via the landline network. Within the scope of the 2011 Transitional Study, adequately complete responses were obtained from 5,333 persons. The survey data was adapted to the structures of the statistical population on the basis of the Microcensus by applying weighting in accordance with main characteristics (including school leaving qualification, gender, year of birth) (EBERHARD et al. 2014).

Transition to dual vocational education and training

The initial aim is to observe how young people from a migrant background and not from a migrant background differ from each other in overall terms at the end of their schooling.¹ Young people who have completed the whole of their schooling – without interruption – in general and vocational schools are separated out.² This enables account to be taken of the considerable significance accorded to vocational schools with regard to the acquisition of general school qualifications. At the end of general schooling, young migrants are disproportionately likely to wish to continue to attend school. This means that they are more likely than young people not from a migrant background to continue their schooling at a vocational school in order to obtain a higher level school leaving qualification (15% as opposed to 11 %). At the end of schooling, a series of differences is revealed between school leavers from a migrant background and school leavers not from a migrant background . These could also be of significance for successful transition and training (cf. Table 1).

This enables account to be taken of the considerable significance accorded to vocational schools with regard to the acquisition of general school qualifications. At the end of general schooling, young migrants are disproportionately likely to wish to continue to attend school. This means that they are more likely than young people not from a migrant background to continue their schooling at a vocational school in order to obtain a higher level school leaving qualification (15% as opposed to 11 %). At the end of schooling, a series of differences is revealed between school leavers from a migrant background and school leavers not from a migrant background . These could also be of significance for successful transition and training (cf. Table 1).³ Young people from a migrant background are more likely to live in West Germany than those not from a migrant background (26% as opposed to 9%).

Definition of “migrant background”

In the 2011 BIBB Transitional Study, migrant background is defined in the following indirect terms. No migrant background is assumed if a young person has German citizenship, if he or she has only learned German as a child and if his or her father and mother were born in Germany. If any one of these conditions does not apply, a migrant background is assumed.

At the end of schooling, equal proportions of young people from and not from a migrant background (56% in each case) have the intention of entering dual vocational education and training (see Figure 1). In the case of those who have not achieved any school qualification higher than a lower or intermediate secondary school leaving certificate, male and female migrants (62% and 66% respectively) are less likely to seek a dual training place than young men and women not from a migrant background (70% and 76%.⁴ If a higher education entrance qualification is held, on the other hand, the interest in dual training on the part of migrants is significantly higher than that of young people not from a migrant background (32% as opposed to 25%). 

Of all young people from a migrant background who seek to enter dual vocational education and training at the end of their schooling, an estimated 75% progress to such training within around three years⁵ (see Figure 2).⁶ The corresponding proportion of young people not from a migrant background is significantly higher at 84%.⁷ If, however, a differentiation by school leaving qualification is made, significantly worse transitional processes are exclusively revealed for migrants not in possession of a higher education entrance qualification than for comparable young people not from a migrant background. On the other hand, young people from a migrant background who hold a higher education entrance qualification are significantly better at achieving the progression to dual training and indeed achieve exactly the same success rate in this regard as their counterparts not from a migrant background.

The successful search for a dual training place depends on a wide range of factors. One central question is whether the poorer access to dual vocational education and training by young people from a migrant background is completely attributable to these variables. According to the resource theory approach adopted by EBERHARD (2012) to explain transitional chances, young people are in possession of various resources which increase or diminish the probability of a successful progression to dual vocational education and training. Young migrants seeking to enter training at the end of their schooling are on average equipped with significantly less favourable resources. They originate from less advantageous social circumstances. Their parents have a lower level of education, and their fathers have a lower occupational status. They are also in possession of lower school leaving qualifications and achieve worse marks than young people not from a migrant background who are seeking to enter training, as Table 2 demonstrates.

Aligned towards the resource theory explanatory approach (EBERHARD 2012), which accords consideration to personal and social aspects as well as taking institutional circumstances into account (such as the regional training place situation), the database of the 2011 Transitional Study forms the foundation for an investigation into which factors influence the chances of a rapid transition to dual training in a statistically demonstrable manner. Cox regression analyses were conducted for this purpose.⁸ These enable the autonomous effect which each individual factor exerts on the duration and probability of the transition to dual training to be identified, because all other variables included in the analysis are controlled. Alongside the personal characteristic “migrant background”, the other characteristics included were the gender of the young people, their social origin (education of parents, occupational status of the father), their prior school learning (school leaving qualification, type of school last attended, average mark⁹), their search behaviour (alternative search for other forms of training or a higher education study place) and the situation on the training places market in their region of residence at the end of schooling. Three Cox regression models were calculated. These comprised one model for the whole of the group of young people seeking to enter dual training at the end of their schooling (Model A1) and two separate models for young people with and without a higher education entrance qualification (Model A2 / A3). Table 2 shows the individual results of the Cox regression models.

The main results of the Cox regressions can be summarised as follows. Taking all other variables into account, young women have a considerably lower chance than young men of achieving rapid progression to dual vocational education and training (cf. Model A1). With regard to social origin, we are able to identify that the transitional chances of young people are significantly better if their parents are in possession of completed vocational education and training, a higher education study entrance qualification or a higher education degree than if the parents have not achieved these. The school leaving qualification achieved by the young people exerts a significant influence. In the case of an intermediate secondary school leaving qualification, the prospects of rapid success in the search for dual training are more favourable than if no qualification higher than a lower secondary school leaving certificate has been achieved. These prospects improve significantly once more if a higher education entrance qualification is held.¹⁰ A strong effect is also revealed with regard to school marks – the better the marks, the higher the chances of progression. On the other hand, a negative effect is exerted if an alternative search is undertaken for a training place in a school-based occupation or in a civil service career or if a higher education place is sought.¹¹ There is a positive impact on the chances of progressing to dual training if a good regional training market situation is in place at the time when young people begin their search for a training place. Taking all these effects into account, ¹² the chances of quickly finding a dual training place are significantly lower for young people from a migrant background than for young people not from a migrant background. This means that, within the whole group of young people seeking to enter training, the characteristic “migrant background” is associated with chance disadvantages that cannot be explained by the influencing factors included. This applies equally to the young people who have not achieved any qualification higher than an intermediate secondary school leaving certificate (cf. Model A2), for whom very similar effects are shown in the analysis as in the overall model. By way of contrast, the results for young people in possession of a Higher education entrance qualification are quite different. According to the relevant analysis, there are, apart from negative effects arising from an alternative search for a training place or higher education study place, as good as no noteworthy effects from further factors and no significant impact for the migrant background.

Success of young people in dual vocational education and training

¹³ The young migrants who have progressed to (initial) vocational education and training¹⁴ differ from the corresponding young people not from a migrant background with regard to many characteristics (see Table 3). They exhibit a less favourable social origin, and their previous educational biography has also been more difficult and less successful.

This means that at the end of general schooling they are considerably more likely not to have achieved any qualification higher than the lower secondary school leaving certificate and to have worse marks. Their preference to continue to attend school is then considerably more marked than is the case with young people not from a migrant background. For this reason, a significantly largely proportion of young migrants has continued schooling at a vocational school (specialised upper secondary school, specialised grammar school, partially qualifying full-time vocational school) in order to achieve a higher level school leaving qualification at such establishments. After the end of schooling, young people from a migrant background are considerably less likely to have succeeded in making very rapid progression into dual training, i.e. within a maximum of four months They are therefore also more likely to have participated in an educational course or measure within the transitional area than young people not from a migrant background.

Starting conditions at the commencement of training

For the above reasons, the conditions at the commencement of dual training also exhibit major differences in respect of young people from and not from a migrant background (see Table 4). Because of the more protracted transitional processes, young migrants are considerably more likely already to be over 18 years of age at this point. Although they are more likely to have gone down the second chance route by achieving a higher level school leaving qualification at a vocational school, their prior school learning still remains lower on average than is the case for young people not from a migrant background. A greater proportion of the young people from a migrant background progressed to dual training in extra-company form. In overall terms, young migrants are considerably more likely to be in training in a primary service sector occupation and significantly less likely to be in training in a manufacturing occupation. They are more likely to have entered training in an occupation for which their school leaving qualification is actually too low, i.e. in an occupation in which most other trainees have a higher level qualification. They are also more strongly represented in occupations in which the rate of premature training contract dissolutions tends to be high.¹⁵ In the case of young migrants, the training occupation is less likely to correspond to their own occupational preferences and is more likely to be an occupation which they expressly did not wish to enter.

Successful and non-successful completion of training

Not all young people who progress to (initial) dual vocational education and training actually continue training in the occupation originally selected until successful completion of the final examination (BEICHT /  WALDEN 2013). An estimated 15% of young migrants end their dual training within 36 months without achieving a qualification.¹⁶ The corresponding proportion amongst young people not from a migrant background is significantly lower at 11% (see Figure 3).¹⁷ it should, however, be pointed out that the rates calculated in this manner do not correspond to the contract dissolution rates usually calculated on the basis of the Vocational Education and Training Statistics (cf. UHLY 2014).

In the same way as the transition to dual vocational education and training, the successful or unsuccessful course of training is influenced by a wide range of circumstances. This once again poses the question as to whether the fact that young people from a migrant background are more likely to end their training unsuccessfully can be explained by these factors. In order to investigate the factors determining the probability of successfully completing dual training, a logistic regression analysis informed by a multitude of potential effect variables was conducted.¹⁸ In this way, the autonomous effect of each individual factor can be identified because all other factors included in the analysis are controlled. Alongside the personal characteristic “migrant background”, the other characteristics included were the gender and age of the young people, their social origin (education of parents, occupational status of the father), their prior school learning (school leaving qualification at commencement of training, average mark achieved in general schooling, type of school last attended, participation in transitional measures). Also included were characteristics of training or the training occupation (form of training, type of training occupation, matching of school leaving qualification to the demands level of the training occupation, contract dissolution rate in the training occupation, training in preferred occupation) and finally the training market situation in the region of residence at the commencement of training. 

The results of the logistic regression are contained in Table 5 (Model B1) and can be described as follows. Taking all variables included into account, young women have a significantly lower chance than young men of successfully completing their dual training (cf. in this regard BEICHT / WALDEN 2013). A positive effect is exerted on training success if the parents of the young people are in possession of a vocational qualification or a higher education degree. Whereas school leaving qualification at the time of commencement of training does not have an autonomous significant effect, prospects of success rise considerably if better school marks have been achieved. If participation in a measure within the transitional area has taken place prior to dual training, chances of success are significantly lower, especially if such a measure has been ended prematurely.¹⁹ If dual training takes place in a primary service sector occupation, the chances of successful completion are considerably higher than in a manufacturing occupation. If the school leaving qualification is too low for the demands level of the training occupation, the prospects of successful completion of training fall. Higher contract dissolution rates in the training occupation also have a negative effect.

Explanations for Table 5
1) For the classification of manufacturing and service sector occupations cf. BIBB Data Report 2014, Chapter A4.4, pp. 127 ff.
2) Depending on proportion of trainees (newly concluded training contracts as of 31 December 2009, cf. Federal Statistical Office 2010), dual training occupations were divided into four levels to cover higher, intermediate and lower secondary school leaving qualifications (upper occupational segment, upper middle, lower middle and lower segment – cf. Vocational Education and Training Reporting Authors’ Group 2008, p. 285). The level of the respective training occupation was then related to the individual school leaving qualification.
3) Cf. Federal Institute for Vocational Education and Training (2011): Contract dissolution rates 2009 in the dual training occupations. New calculation on the basis of the multi-tier model
(http://www.bibb.de/de/57057.htm, Additional Tables – Reporting Year 2009).
4) Relation of the overall supply of training places to the number of young people interested in training in the respective federal state in the year of commencement of dual training. For the method of calculation of the relation cf. Ulrich (2012), pp. 48-65.
5) Only those who have completed company-based training are included.

By way of contrast, a very positive effect is exerted if training takes place in the preferred occupation or in a similar occupation. The training market situation in the region of residence also has an effect. If the training market situation is good, the chances that dual training will continue to a successful conclusion decrease.²⁰ If all factors included in the analysis are considered alongside this, ²¹ the chances of success in the case of a migrant background are not lower. The fact that young migrants are less likely than young people not from a migrant background to complete their dual training successfully can therefore be ascribed to their less favourable social origin, their poor prior learning and their less favourable training conditions.

Marks in the final examination

Of the young migrants successfully completing (initial) dual training, 6% achieve the mark “very good”, 45% “good”, 42% “satisfactory” and 7% “pass”. Young people not from a migrant background display somewhat better examination marks, the corresponding figures here being 10% “very good”, 48% “good”, 37% “satisfactory” and 5% “pass”. This means that 51% of young people from a migrant background achieve a good or very good final mark as opposed to 56% of their counterparts not from a migrant background.²²

Examination marks at the conclusion of dual training are also determined by a range of factors. In a logistic regression including the same potential factors used for the analysis of successful completion of training (Model B1), the following effects in particular are revealed (see Table 5, Model B2). Taking all the factors included into account, the chances that those in possession of an intermediate secondary school leaving certificate will achieve a good or very good examination mark are significantly higher than the chances of those who have not achieved any qualification higher than the lower secondary school leaving certificate and increase considerably once again if a higher education entrance qualification is held. If marks in general schooling were already good, the prospect of obtaining a very good or good mark in the final dual training examination are considerably higher than if school marks were poor. Young people who end their schooling at a vocational school or who have taken part in a transitional measure are less likely to achieve good examination marks than young people to whom this does not apply. On the other hand, a good situation on the regional training places market exerts a very positive effect.²³ Taking all these effects into consideration, the chances that young migrants will complete dual vocational education and training with a very good or good mark are not significantly lower than for young people not from a migrant background.

Obtaining permanent employment from the company providing training

Following success in the final examination, 44% of young people from a migrant background obtain a permanent contract of employment from the company providing training. 27% receive a fixed-term contract of employment. 13% of the young migrants cannot be taken on by the company that has provided their training, and 16% do not wish to progress to employee status. 35% of young people not from a migrant background go on to be employed on a permanent basis at the company providing training. 26% obtain a fixed-term contract of employment. 22% cannot be further employed by the company providing training, and 18% do not wish to be given employment. This means that young migrants are more likely to progress to employment at the company providing training than young people not from a migrant background, the overall figures being 70% and 61% respectively.²⁴

Following a logistic regression,²⁵ the following factors are shown to exert a positive or negative effect on the chances at obtaining employment at the company providing training (see Table 5, Model B3). Relatively good marks at general school and in particular a good examination mark at the conclusion of dual training improve the prospects of being taken on by the company, whereas a high contract dissolution rate in the training occupation is associated with a lower chance. If training has taken place in the preferred occupation or in a similar occupation or if there was no particular preferred occupation, young people are considerably more likely to continue to be employed by the company providing training than if the training occupation was not the preferred occupation.²⁶ Taking these effects into account, young migrants are significantly more likely to be taken on by their company following dual training than young people not from a migrant background. Further research analyses are required to clarify the reasons and causes of this phenomenon. It may be the case that young people from a migrant background undergo training at companies which generally have a higher rate of trainees who progress to employment.

Progression to qualified employment

Following their dual vocational education and training, not all young people succeed in rapidly finding a job in which the activity exercised corresponds to the vocational qualification obtained. Within 24 months of successful completion of training, an estimated 55% of young migrants have found their way into a qualified employment activity. The corresponding proportion for young people not from a migrant background is 59%.²⁷

When a multivariate analysis (Cox regression)²⁸ is undertaken in order to investigate which factors inhibit or favour rapid progression to qualified employment, the following effects are shown (see Table 5, Model B4). Taking all the potential factors included into account, young women have a significantly lower chance of quickly being able to exercise a qualified employment activity after dual training than young men. For young people whose fathers have medium or high level qualifications, the prospects of qualified employment are significantly better than for those whose fathers are in low-qualified work. Better marks at general school increase the chances of qualified employment, whereas the examination mark in dual training surprisingly produces no effect. Taking these influences into account, the chances that young migrants will rapidly find a job providing a qualified activity after dual training are just as good as the chances of young people not from a migrant background.

Conclusion

If at the end of their schooling young migrants have achieved no qualification higher than the intermediate secondary school leaving certificate, they are less likely to aspire to dual vocational education and training than comparable young people not from a migrant background. If, however, they are in possession of a higher education entrance qualification, their interest in dual training is even higher than in the comparison group. In overall terms, young people from a migrant background seeking to enter dual training have significantly worse starting conditions than their counterparts not from a migrant background. They originate from less advantageous social circumstances and have a lower level of school qualifications despite the fact that they are more likely to have gone down the second chance route by achieving a higher level school leaving qualification at a vocational school. The transition to dual training remains more protracted for young migrants, and their chances of successfully making such a transition are lower. Even when conditions are the same in overall terms (same social origin, same school prior learning, same search behaviour and same training market situation), their chances of progression are lower than those of young people not from a migrant background.

Initial conditions at the commencement of dual training are also less favourable for young migrants than for young people not from a migrant background. They are more likely to hold a school leaving qualification that tends to be too low for the demands level of their training occupations and are more likely to be located in occupations with a high contract dissolution rate. Their training occupation is also less likely to correspond to their actual preferred occupation. Because of these less favourable initial conditions, young people from a migrant background are less likely to complete dual training successfully than young people not from a migrant background. For this reason, the marks they achieve in the final dual training examination are less good. Nevertheless, given the same prerequisites, the chances that young migrants will complete dual training successfully and achieve good marks in the final examination are not lower than the chances of young people not from a migrant background. Following the successful completion of training, young people from a migrant background are more likely to obtain a contract of employment from the company providing training. The prospect of making a rapid progression to qualified employment does not differ between the two groups.

Transition to dual vocational education and training thus constitutes the largest and most crucial hurdle to young migrants along the route from school into work. This is connected with their worse prior learning and with further disadvantages associated with the characteristic of “migrant background”.²⁹ Young migrants are, however, the only group for which existing less favourable initial conditions exert an effect on the achievement of completion of training and the examination marks. Further disadvantages on the basis of a migrant background cannot be identified. For this reason, a major challenge over the coming years will be to develop effective strategies to improve the transition of young migrants to dual training. It is also necessary to provide young people from a migrant background with more extensive support during the course of training in order to ensure that, despite their more difficult initial conditions, they are able to complete dual training successfully.

Further reading

• AUTORENGRUPPE BILDUNGSBERICHTERSTATTUNG [VOCATIONAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING REPORTING AUTHORS’ GROUP]:
  Bildung in Deutschland 2008. Ein indikatorengestützter Bericht mit einer Analyse zu Übergängen im Anschluss an den Sekundarbereich I [Education in Germany. An indicators-based report with an analysis of transitions following lower secondary education].
  Bielefeld 2008
• BECKER, BIRGIT; REIMER, DAVID (Hrsg.):
  Vom -Kindergarten bis zur Hochschule. Die Generierung von ethnischen und sozialen Disparitäten in der Bildungsbiographie [From nursery school to higher education. The generation of ethnic and social disparities in the educational biography].
  Wiesbaden 2010
• BECKER, ROLF (Hrsg.):
  Integration durch Bildung. Bildungserwerb von jungen Migranten in Deutschland [Integration through education. The acquisition of education by young migrants in Germany].
  Wiesbaden 2011a
• BECKER, ROLF:
  Integration von Migranten durch Bildung und Ausbildung – theoretische Erklärungen und empirische Befunde [Integration of migrants via education and training – theoretical explanations and empirical findings]. In: Becker, Rolf (Hrsg.): Integration durch Bildung. Bildungserwerb von jungen Migranten in Deutschland [Integration through education. The acquisition of education by young migrants in Germany].
  Wiesbaden 2011b, S. 11-36
• BEICHT, URSULA:
  Berufsorientierung und Erfolgschancen von Jugendlichen mit Migrationshintergrund am Übergang Schule–Ausbildung im Spiegel aktueller Studien [Vocational orientation and chances of success of young people from a migrant background at the transition from school to training as reflected in current studies]. In: Scherr, Albert (Hrsg.): Diskriminierung migrantischer Jugendlicher in der beruflichen Bildung. Stand der Forschung, Kontroversen, Forschungsbedarf [Discrimination of migrant young people in vocational education and training. Status of research, controversies, research requirements].
  Weinheim 2015 (i.E.).
• BEICHT, URSULA; FRIEDRICH, MICHAEL; ULRICH, JOACHIM G. (Hrsg.): Ausbildungschancen und Verbleib von Schulabsolventen [Training chances and destination of school leavers].
  Bielefeld 2008
• BEICHT, URSULA; GRANATO, MONA:
  Ausbildungsplatzsuche: Geringere Chancen für junge Frauen und Männer mit Migrationshintergrund. BIBB-Analyse zum Einfluss der sozialen Herkunft beim Übergang in die Ausbildung unter Berücksichtigung von Geschlecht und Migrationsstatus [The search for a training place: worse opportunities for young women and men from a migrant background. BIBB analysis on the influence of social origin at the transition to training taking gender and migration status into account].
  BIBB REPORT (15/10).
  Bonn 2010
• BEICHT, URSULA; GRANATO, MONA; ULRICH, JOACHIM G.:
  Mindert Berufsausbildung die soziale Ungleichheit von Jugendlichen mit und ohne Migrationshintergrund? [Does vocational education and training reduce the social inequality between young people from and not from a migrant background?] In: Granato, Mona; Münk, Dieter; Weiß, Reinhold (Hrsg.): Migration als Chance. Ein Beitrag der beruflichen Bildung [Migration as an opportunity – a contribution of vocational education and training].
  Bielefeld 2011, S. 177-207
• BEICHT, URSULA; ULRICH, JOACHIM G.:
  Ergebnisse der BIBB-Übergangsstudie [Results of the BIBB Training Monitor]. In: Beicht, Ursula; Friedrich, Michael; Ulrich, Joachim G. (Hrsg.): Ausbildungschancen und Verbleib von Schulabsolventen [Training chances and destination of school leavers].
  Bielefeld 2008, S. 101-292
• BEICHT, URSULA; WALDEN, GÜNTER:
  Chancennachteile von Jugendlichen aus Migrationsfamilien beim Übergang in berufliche Ausbildung. Welche Rolle spielt die soziale Herkunft? [Disadvantages of opportunity for young people from migrant families at the transition to vocational training. What role is played by social origin?] 
  In: Zeitschrift für Berufs- und Wirtschaftspädagogik [Journal of Vocational and Business Education] 110 (2014) 2, S. 188–215
• BEICHT, URSULA; WALDEN, GÜNTER:
  Duale Berufsausbildung ohne Abschluss – Ursachen und weiterer bildungsbiografischer Verlauf [Dual vocational education and training not leading to a qualification – causes and further training histories]. Analyse auf Basis der BIBB-Übergangsstudie 2011 [An analysis on the basis of the 2011 BIBB Transitional Study]. BIBB REPORT (21/13).
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Imprint BIBB REPORT

BIBB REPORT 8. Volume 8, Issue 5, November 2014 ISSN Internet: 1866-7279 ISSN Print: 1865-0821 Publisher by Federal Institute for Vocational Education and Training (BIBB) The President Robert-Schuman-Platz 3, 53175 Bonn, Germany Publishing, advertising, distribution W. Bertelsmann Verlag GmbH & Co. KG Postfach 10 06 33, 33506 Bielefeld Telefon: 0521 91101-11 Telefax: 0521 9110119 http://www.wbv.de/ service@wbv.de Print version The print version of this publication can be ordered from W. Bertelsmann Verlag GmbH & Co. KG. Further information www.bibb.de/impressum

Editors Michael Friedrich Bettina Milde Ursula Knüpper-Heger (V. i. S. d. P.) Editorial assistant Copyright Reproduction of this publication - in part or in whole - is prohibited without BIBB's prior permission. Point of contact regarding content Ursula Beicht Dr. Günter Walden